Insights from research in Ukraine

With the four-year anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 nearing, I am reflecting on the findings of a research study I produced with Nataliia Pysarenko, Cristina Galalae, Carlo Mari, Lizette Vorster and Veronica Martin Ruiz, published in 2024. In an article originally published in The Conversation I wrote with my colleagues from the Open University and the University of Exeter, shared below, this study has shown that products, retail spaces and advertising messages serve Ukrainian civilians as a source of ‘Keep Calm and Carry On’ spirit.

Is this the case still? My answer is: yes and more.

The cold winter of 2025-26 has shown the vital role of mobile generators, heated shelters and coffee shops in helping civilians to cope with the physical and emotional pressures of air bombing raids and damages to heating and power supply infrastructure. Ukrainian companies across a range of manufacturing and service industries continue developing new products and services, and promote Ukrainian brands abroad to demonstrate resistance and support their communities.

As a researcher studying the social impact of marketing, I think that governments contending with the current era of instability should be learning from Ukraine’s experience of the value of marketing as a capability for supporting conflict-affected communities. Marketing is the main mechanism through which organisations – private and public, large and small – develop and deliver new products, services and messages, as well as adapt to changing environment conditions. As our research study explains, people draw psychosocial and emotional support from the availability and cultural meanings of products, services and advertising messages. Civilians’ ability to engage in daily routine activities many of us take for granted, like going to a coffee shop, provides a sense of stability. Choosing a brand that represents and champions culturally-significant symbols and messages provides a sense of power. As this year shows, some products, services and processes of their delivery must be highly adaptable to an evolving crisis.

How Ukrainian consumers are hitting back at Russia 

Political conflicts and global tensions always affect people on the ground and across borders. Unable to influence events such as the ongoing war against Ukraine or proposed sweeping US tariffs, people turn to whatever resources are available for defending their livelihoods, institutions and communities.

In the early days of Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, shoppers were making public commitments to boycott Russian products. But there are many other ways in which brands and consumers responded to the start of the invasion in 2014. Global and local reactions from brands included donations, divestment, the creation of new products or product names and advertising and social media content linked to the invasion. In turn, consumer responses to these brand initiatives are a form of civic action.

In the study, we analysed how marketing professionals and ordinary consumers create and interpret products and brands explicitly or implicitly acknowledging the war in Ukraine. To do this, we conducted in-depth interviews with marketing managers and consumers and analyses of brand and product imagery. Our findings highlight three ways that marketing resources and consumer responses support psycho-social and cultural resilience in war-affected communities.

Using satire to ease symbolic threat

Humour and satire have long been used for addressing pressing societal issues, and many brands in Ukraine have embraced them in response to the invasion. For example, mayonnaise brand Ukrop Style, marketed by Ukrainian firm Olkom, leant on satire to boost consumer morale.

The term “Ukrop” (meaning “dill” in Ukrainian) has been used by Russia as a slur against Ukrainians since the beginning of the war. Several “ukrop”-themed products and services then sprang up to reclaim the word and its imagery. It was used in new product names and packaging, as Olkom did.

Several participants in our study discussed engagement with brands like this to mobilise the public spirit of defiance. For them, the use of humour helped lessen the insult directed at their nation.

National symbols for societal cohesion

When people perceive that their society and way of life is under threat, they often turn to cultural symbols. These can help to assert connections with others.

Several brands have incorporated symbolic references to Ukraine in their communication messages, with national flags and designs depicting vyshyvanka embroidery (which is specific to traditional Ukrainian shirts).

A Samsung advert using vyshyvanka and the phrase “Evolution is beautiful” evokes Ukraine’s 2014 Revolution of Dignity and the shared Ukrainian identity built on dignity, freedom and togetherness.

Promoting the origin of products

Between 2014 and 2022, Ukraine and Russia continued to trade in consumer goods. During this time, several major retail chains in Ukraine used flags to mark the origin of products.

These marketing signals kept consumers informed, but potentially also supported boycotts and buycotts. Since 2022, Ukraine’s trade in consumer goods with Russia has ceased. But the labelling of Ukraine-made goods has grown. The Ukrainian ministry of economy has launched a “Made in Ukraine” trademark, encouraging people to support local manufacturers.

Even when brand boycotts are no longer needed, consumers still use their collective power to support their local economy.

The response of consumers

Participants in our study shared the view that brand activism and marketing related to political shocks can offer people an outlet for a civic response. It also opens up conversations about the distressing events affecting them and their country.

Some described these marketing activities as grassroot initiatives by fellow citizens – owners and managers of brands engaging in activism. Others stressed that their willingness to support brand activism is dependent on whether they perceive it as sincere or mere profit-seeking. Few interviewees separated private consumption from political views and actions.

Brand activism and marketing related to conflict and political shocks could well be a trend that will grow in scale and scope. After all, consumption remains one domain where people have collective power.

Boy/buycotting movements (where consumers swerve a brand or actively support it for political reasons) responding to the US tariffs are gaining momentum, while the #buyforukraine and #shopukrainian initiatives have stood the test of time.

Brands and governments may be tempted to leverage this social sentiment, but here our research tells a cautionary tale. The consumers we interviewed were savvy in their assessment of the sincerity of brand activism. And they held different views about its appropriateness as a form of civic action.

Brand activism merely seeking to encourage sales may backfire, evoking consumer cynicism rather than support. For example, brands like Unilever and Pepsi were criticised for appearing to be insincere in their announced suspension of sales and production in Russia.

At the same time, brand activism increasingly requires careful, nuanced consideration. More widely, consumers are not united on whether companies should take positions on political and social issues.

Takeaways

The key takeaway from this reflection for me is that marketing and more broadly management knowledge is critical for developing preparedness and resilience to geopolitical shocks. Within the last decade alone, such shocks were aplenty: pandemic, extreme weather events, natural and human-made disasters including the invasion of Ukraine.

I wish that Ukraine never was in the situation to provide the rest of the world with the learnings and examples I discussed here. My hope is that engaging with these learnings thoughtfully and meaningfully might help people in Ukraine and beyond.

This blog is an edited and expanded version of an article originally published in The Conversation by Eva Kipnis, Cristina Galalae and Nataliia Pysarenko.