Ian Hodgson

UOB.GIF (1974 bytes)

Bradford, UK

PhD study

An ethnographic investigation into the culture of health care workers involved in the care of people with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS)

Details of the intended study

1. Background

General statement

Culture plays a significant role in a person’s understanding of illness (Helman, 1994) . Numerous studies have demonstrated the role of explanatory models of illness that are based on subjective experience and the prevailing cultural context, as providing a valuable tool in helping to construct meaning, and make sense of the world (e.g. Weiss, 1988; Farmer, 1994) .

Many studies have concentrated on the experiences of people who are ill. This study, however, intends to focus on the carers, who also have access to a range of their own explanatory models, albeit mediated to a greater or lesser degree by personal experience, and the relatively objective base of professional knowledge.

Focus

The reaction of nurses and other health care workers to people infected with HIV (particularly those with limited experience in the care of this client group) has been the subject of large numbers of studies.  The construction of HIV is often dependent upon not upon what people know about the virus, but rather what they believe they know – the ‘reality of the really made up’ (Overing, 1997) , and reactions are in some circumstances inconsistent with accepted germ theory, and in others are based on a rationale framed by instinctive reactions derived from personal and cultural belief systems. This results in contexts where there is an exaggerated fear of contagion, and a need to ‘categorise’ the infected person. The corollary of this is often an unwillingness to care (Fusilier, Manning et al., 1998) and the application of a pejorative moral framework (Forrester and Murphy, 1992) . Recent review papers e.g. Valimaki (1998) suggest that, overall, attitudes are proving surprisingly resilient to change.

Hodgson (1997) suggests that four major determinants play a part in shaping an individual’s reaction: political; psychological; sociological and anthropological. It is the latter feature that will be the focus of this study. Specifically, the role of culture in the understanding of HIV/AIDS will be investigated, elements of which may include: the knowledge base of the profession; elements from the individual’s personal cultural history; or the prevailing mindset of the general population at large, often articulated through a variety of media channels.

Aim of this study

This study intends to investigate the culture of health care workers in close proximity with this client group. For this study, ‘health care workers’ includes any carer working directly with the client group, of whatever level of experience. Other members of staff who do not deliver direct care, but who engage indirectly with the client group will also form part of the study (as according to the ethical framework below).

2. Methodology

Overview

This study, is based on a qualitative (emic) methodology, as described by Morse (1992) and (Kim, 1993). It is broadly anthropological, and will use research methods derived from ethnography. Two methods will be used to collect data: observation (observer as participant); and interview. Interview material will be subjected to narrative analysis (using techniques suggested by Reissman (1993) , in order that underlying themes can be identified.

Main Study

Collection of data will take place whilst the researcher spends a period of time accompanying a group of health care workers caring for people infected with HIV in a specialised unit. In-depth interviews will also form part of the study. Elements of cultural activity that will be observed include (from Spradley, 1980) :

  • cultural knowledge
  • cultural behaviour
  • cultural artefacts

Ethical Issues

All aspects of the methodology will be scrutinised by the appropriate committees. The especially sensitive nature of the context of HIV will be respected, and confidentiality will be maintained throughout the study. Consent will be obtained where appropriate.

The focus of this study is health care workers. All staff will be informed where possible, and written consent will be obtained in all situations where this is reasonably practicable. All observation will be overt.

Ongoing notes and documentation will be immediately available on request, and final conclusions from the study will be provided for all participating staff prior to submission for publication.

3. Other factors relevant to this study

Three further factors need mention with reference to this particular project: the role of cultural narrative; the contrast between ‘disease’ and ‘illness’; and the unique nature of this study.

Firstly, with regard to cultural knowledge, one aspect of this study that will be of particular interest are data relating to cultural narrative, for example myth. Here ‘myth’ is not defined in the pejorative sense, as an untrue story. Rather, it will be assumed that myths are a central component of the ‘glue’ that holds a culture together, re-iterating and reinforcing beliefs about the world (Moyers, 1988) . They provide a practical framework (heuristic) that allows appropriate responses to any emerging context or situation (Douglas, 1984) . The method of dissemination may vary, and will be determined by the prevailing media and communication frameworks – word of mouth; art (i.e. painting/drawing); written word; radio; television; the Internet.

Secondly, that there is a recognition of the perceptible difference between disease and illness. As discussed in Foster and Anderson (1978) the former is a pathological construct, and the latter is culturally defined. Illness definitions are firmly embedded in the matrix of cultural beliefs held by a society; disease is diagnosed and treated by 'experts', and illness is essentially an impairment of normal function – a factor defined by the prevailing belief system. In areas (say) where malaria is endemic, it is perceived as not pathological but ‘normal’. A fine anecdotal example of this can be seen in Carlo Levi’s autobiographical work Christ Stopped at Eboli (Levi, 1982/1947) .

This study will identify cultural factors that will influence the construction of HIV as an illness within the current ‘world view’ of health care workers, a vital area for study in relation to beliefs about the epidemic (Aggleton, 1998) . The findings will inform the education of carers and health promotion strategies. They should prove of special value in the current, changeable period, in which improved treatment regimes are altering the ‘picture’ of HIV, presenting challenges to both health care workers (Aalen, Farewell et al., 1999) , and people with HIV (Hodgson, 1999) .

Thirdly, the majority of studies in the past have utilised questionnaires and/or hypothetical critical incident scenarios to elicit  ‘predicted behaviours’ and ‘expected attitudes’ of health care workers when in the proximity of a person infected with HIV. In contrast, this study intends, through the use of ethnography, to provide invaluable contextual data, a key benefit of ethnography (Geertz, 1993) . This will provide deeper and meaningful insights into how health care workers construct an understanding of HIV, and in particular will yield the cultural influences upon this understanding.

4. Further details  

Academic supervisors are based at the University of Bradford, and South Bank University.

5. References

 Aalen, O., V. Farewell, et al. (1999). “New therapy explains the fall in AIDS incidence with a substantial rise in number of persons on treatment expected.” AIDS 13: 103-108.

Aggleton, P. (1998). “Signs of success ?” Current HIV Education Research(6): 1-2.

Douglas, M. (1984). Purity and Danger: An analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo. London, Routledge.

Farmer, P. (1994). “Aids-Talk and the Constitution of Cultural Models.” Social Science & Medicine 38(6): 801-809.

Forrester, D. and P. Murphy (1992). “Nurses attitudes toward patients with AIDS and AIDS-related risk factors.” Journal of Advanced Nursing 17(1260-1266).

Foster, G. and B. Anderson (1978). Medical Anthropology. New York, John Wiley & Sons.

Fusilier, M., M. R. Manning, et al. (1998). “AIDS knowledge and attitudes of health-care workers in Mexico.” Journal of Social Psychology 138(2): 203-210.

Geertz, C. (1993). The Interpretation of Cultures. London, Fontana.

Helman, C. G. (1994). Culture, Health and Illness. Oxford, Butterworth-Heinemann.

Hodgson, I. (1997). “Attitudes towards HIV: entropy and healthcare ethics.” Journal of Advanced Nursing 26: 283-288 - abstract here

Hodgson, I. (1999). “HIV and Combination therapy: facing the challenge of a new era.” British Journal of Nursing 8(1): 39-43 - abstract here

Kim, S. H. (1993). “Identifying alternative linkages among philosophy, theory and method in nursing science.” Journal of Advanced Nursing 18: 793-800.

Levi, C. (1982/1947). Christ Stopped at Eboli. Harmondsworth, Penguin.

Morse, J., Ed. (1992). Qualitative Health Research. Newbury Park, California, Sage.

Moyers, B. (1988). Introduction to: J. Campbell The Power of Myth. New York, New York.

Overing, J. (1997). The role of myth: an anthropological perspective or: 'The Reality of the Really Made Up'. Myths and Nationhood. G. Hosking and G. Schopflin. London, Hurst and Company.

Reissman, C. (1993). Narrative Analysis. Newbury Park, California, Sage.

Spradley, J. (1980). Participant Observation. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

Valimaki, M., T. Suominen, et al. (1998). “Attitudes of professionals, students and the general public to HIV/AIDS and people with HIV/AIDS: a review of the research.” Journal of Advanced Nursing 27(4): 752-759.

Weiss, M. G. (1988). “Conceptual models of diarrhoeal illness: conceptual framework and review.” Social Science and Medicine 27(1): 5-16.

 

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